
IN THE BEGINNING
The history of Enugu, the Coal City, often begins with a false statement about Australian Albert Kitson and his team of silver-seeking surveyors in 1909. Let this sink conclusively: The British colonists neither “discovered” coal nor “founded” Enugu, a vast valley of hilltop Agbaja and lowland Nkanu communities. You cannot “discover” or uncover something that was not covered, something known and in plain sight. That you see something for the first time does not make you a discoverer; else, someday, someone else could declare that he or she discovered the moon last night!
Coal, or ‘ukwaka’ (as known locally) had been in use before the British started colonization, and long before criminal chattel slavery sprouted in the Americas. Within five years of the failed quest for silver, the British mined coal in Udi Hill escarpment. The influx of workers to work the coalfields and others from far and near to provide sundry services led to the establishment of quarters to house these immigrants. With time, the original communities found themselves enveloped by a cornucopia of city dwellers, itinerant immigrants, civil servants, merchants, students seeking education, etc.
In 1917, Enugu was declared a township, complete with the meandering Milliken Road up the embarkment to Enūgwu (Hilltop) village of Ngwuo that gave Enugu its name. In 1929, Enugu became the capital of Nigeria until 1939, when Southern Nigeria split into Eastern and Western Provinces with capitals in Enugu and Ibadan respectively. Enugu was also the capital of Eastern Region, the defunct sovereign Republic of Biafra, East Central State, old Anambra State, and now Enugu State, the Coal City State.
ENUGU AND THE MAKING OF NIGERIA
On Sunday November 20, 1949, citizens of Coal City (Enugu) did the unthinkable: They boycotted churches, cinemas, and shops for one week. Why? An abject absurdity of the previous Friday, November 18 triggered the extraordinary popular action: Twenty-one miners and a bystander were massacred in cold blood at Iva Valley and about 47-51 were wounded for peacefully demanding better conditions of service.
The cold and callous killings by colonial colliery cops infuriated Nigerians across ethnoreligious enclaves. They agonized, but they organized. A national service for the dead miners held in Enugu. In Lagos, prominent personalities formed the National Emergency Committee (NEC) in the house of Dr. Akinola Maja and sent delegates to support the local labour leader Okwudili Ojiyi, Secretary of Colliery Workers Union. Such nationalists as Maazi Mbonu Ojike, K. O. Mbadiwe, Bode Thomas, M. A. O. Imoudu, S. Gbadamosi, Dr. Maja, and Adio-Moses spanned across Nigeria to form NEC chapters in major cities. From Aba axis came Mrs. Margaret Ekpo and Aja Nwachukwu, whose actions were so popular the colonists restricted their movements.
Leader of popular NCNC, Dr. Nnamdi (Zik) Azikiwe, who was attending a conference in London with Mallam Za’ad Zungur, did not stop at sending a “cable of condolence”; he galvanized public opinions in Europe and America, where he had a healthy connection of friends. The political pressure on the British colonists was immense and international.
Let’s get our history right: Nigeria’s independence did not come on a platter of platinum; it came with the supreme sacrifice of Enugu coal miners. The colliery massacre was so shocking it galvanized Nigerians to end colonialism soonest. The lesson is simple: When Africans unite and ignore the superficial differences of race, region, and religion, they move mountains. Evil is evil is evil: black, brown, white, or yellow, in military or police uniforms, in fitting Biafran suits, in elegant ‘isiagu,’ or in flowing ‘babanriga.’
The book of the year on the continued celebration of Coal City centenary belongs to Dr. Dons Eze. Obvious bias apart, “Enugu and the Making of Nigeria” is a treasure. It brings together fresh facts about Enugu: the local political intrigues, the remote interpersonal and subethnic conflicts, and the corporate callousness of colliery management supported by the British colonial government. Dr. Eze has done Nigerians a great favour in putting between two hard covers his works on Enugu and its place in the history of Nigeria. The book updates the names of coalminers killed and gives detailed accounts of the events that led to the sadistic shooting, the names of principal actors, the aftermath, and details of the Fitzgerald Commission of Inquiry that concluded: “We believe that self-government for Nigeria NOW is both opportune and imperative.”
Beyond the formative years of Enugu, the era of Eze Onyeama n’Eke and Chief Chukwuani n’Ozara, Dr. Eze takes us through a brief but powerful tour of the legacies of those who ruled in Enugu through the Chadwick years of Onwudiwe, Broderick, Anyansi, Ozobu, Dadi Onyeama, Simeon Onwu, Ezechi, Ezekpo, E.A. Chime, etc. and the controversial emergence of Umaru Altine as mayor. From Eyo Ita (1952 1954), Eze examines Azikiwe and MI Okpara, post-war Jim Nwobodo, C.C. Onoh, and Okwesilieze Nwodo. The Fourth Republic’s Ebeano epoch of Chimaroke Nnamami, Sullivan Chime and the incumbent Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi also featured. Of course, the military intruders were not left out, including Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu and Ukpabi Asika, Amaechi Madueke and Emeka Omeruah.
MINERS’ MEMORIAL MONUMENT
People ply past the monument by the Aria Market. Some notice; others don’t. Few people pause and ponder; many more know not what the statue represents the real meaning behind the monument to the massacre of November 18, 1949, the men whose deaths galvanized all Nigerians.
Beyond the afterthought that “[t]he men [miners] were becoming a menace and indulging in a war of dance” and the unfounded fear of using the mining explosives, history will one day explain exactly why Senior Superintendents of Police R.S. Phillips and E.J.R. Orminston ordered respectively 75 and 50 armed policemen under their commands to shoot the striking but peacefully dancing miners.
When it was over, the following heroes gave up the striking spirit: Agu Ede, Andrew Okonkwo, Ani (??), Ani Amu, Augustine Aninwoke, Felix Nnaji, James Ekeowa, Jonathan Ezeani, Livinus Okechukwuma, Moses Ikegbu, Nduaguba Eze, Ngwu Nwafor, Nnaji Nwachukwu, Nwachukwu Ugwu, Ogbonnia Chime, Okafor Aguene, Onoh Onyia, Simon Nwachukwu, Sunday Anyasado, Thomas Chukwu, and William Nwaehu.
Reportedly, Philips fired the first shot and struck the first victim between the teeth, killing him instantly. About half a dozen men were shot fatally in the back as they fled the scene. This proved that the two SSPs were out to massacre the miners mercilessly; it was probably pre-planned or premeditated. Yet, a few years later, Queen Elizabeth II knighted the killer monster cop for his services to the British colonial colliery!
The massacre was a turning point in the struggle against colonialism. According to Professor Carolyn Brown of Rutgers University, NJ, USA: “[T]he Iva Valley Shooting became the clarion call for the nationalist struggle and is today given as the ‘birth date’ of the independence struggle.” Thus, before Saturday, October 1, 1960, we had Friday, November 18, 1949. Why Nigeria does not remember this day and keep it holy baffles. If Nigerians forget, why is no one in Enugu stopping to observe a moment of silence on this fateful day that innocent blood was shed in Enugu?
It took another decade for Nigeria to become independent because, as we now know, it is easier for the British to colonize peoples across the waters of the world, but it is difficult for them to disengage without a dissonant divorce. The supreme sacrifices of Enugu miners remain relevant to this day, as evoked in the national anthem: “The labour of our heroes past/ Shall never be in vain.” Sadly, seven decades after the historic repudiation of colonial violence, Nigerians find themselves under the clutches and the violence of the haves, callous kidnappers, killer cops, raging rapists, ravaging rascals, lacklustre leaders at local levels, and numerous naive national representatives.
COMMEMORATION
I tried exceedingly to interest Enugu politicians to remember the miners last year, just before the election campaigns began. If nothing else, the memorial would have reminded Enugu people that the miners shed their bloods for our political freedom and that we should shed blood no more for political power. What will it take to lay a wreath of virgin palm fronds at the statue and to say prayers at all religious establishments in Enugu on the eve of November 18? Will it not be great to organize a speaking forum and hear from the likes of Dr. Eze, who has a new book published on the matter, or from one of our distinguished politiciansdirect beneficiaries of the sacrifice?
Who will tell the Governor?
It saddens that we sing the national anthem and pledge not to allow the labours of our heroes be in vain. Yet, we fail to honour those who made the supreme sacrifices that nurtured Nigerian nations. Our problem may be partly spiritual! We do not honour our dear departed ancestors who made us possible; but, every Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, we recite the history of Middle Eastern tribes. How do we expect respect from those who disrespect us when we do not respect our glorious legacies?
May the souls of all victims of the Iva Valley senseless slaughter by cowardly colonial cops continue to rest peacefully, and may we never forget to commemorate their supreme sacrifices and the labours of all our heroes through the ages.
Long live the heroes of Enugu colliery massacre.